Peace and conflict studies emerged as a distinct academic discipline in the aftermath of World War II, driven by a widespread determination among scholars and policymakers to understand the causes of war and find systematic ways to prevent future catastrophes.
The sheer scale of destruction between 1939 and 1945 - over 70 million deaths, the Holocaust, and the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki - created an urgent intellectual demand for rigorous research into the conditions that produce both war and peace.
Early peace research was strongly influenced by the Enlightenment tradition and Immanuel Kant's 1795 essay "Perpetual Peace," which argued that republican governments, international commerce, and a federation of free states could create lasting peace between nations.
The United Nations (1945) institutionalized the aspiration for peace at the global level, but scholars quickly recognized that simply creating international organizations was insufficient without deeper understanding of conflict dynamics and the structural conditions underlying violence.
In the United States, early peace research grew from the intersection of political science, psychology, and mathematics. Lewis Fry Richardson, a British physicist, had pioneered quantitative approaches to studying arms races and war frequency as early as the 1920s, laying groundwork for the statistical study of conflict.
The Cold War context shaped the discipline from its inception: the existential threat of nuclear annihilation made peace research not merely academic but a matter of species survival, lending urgency and public funding to the nascent field.
The Nuremberg Trials (1945-1946) and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) established crucial legal and ethical frameworks that peace researchers would later build upon, linking the prevention of armed conflict to the protection of individual human rights and the principle that states could be held accountable for violence against their own populations.
Analogy
Think of peace studies like medicine. Before modern medicine, doctors treated symptoms without understanding causes. Early peace efforts similarly focused on stopping wars (treating symptoms) without studying root causes. Peace studies introduced the equivalent of medical research - systematic investigation into why conflicts arise and how societies can build lasting immunity against violence.
Just as medicine evolved from treating individual patients to studying public health and prevention, peace studies evolved from resolving individual conflicts to understanding the structural conditions that make societies peaceful or violent.
Johan Galtung and the Founding of Peace Research
Johan Galtung, a Norwegian sociologist and mathematician, is widely regarded as the founding father of peace and conflict studies as an organized academic discipline. His work transformed peace from a political aspiration into a rigorous field of scientific inquiry.
In 1959, Galtung founded the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO), one of the world's first dedicated peace research institutions. PRIO pioneered the use of quantitative methods, cross-national comparison, and interdisciplinary approaches to studying conflict.
Galtung's most influential contribution was the distinction between negative peace (the absence of direct violence, such as war or armed conflict) and positive peace (the presence of justice, equality, and conditions for human flourishing). This distinction fundamentally reshaped how scholars and policymakers understood the goals of peacebuilding.
He introduced the concept of structural violence in 1969, arguing that social structures causing poverty, inequality, and preventable suffering constitute a form of violence even when no physical force is used. This expanded the definition of peace beyond the mere absence of warfare.
Galtung's violence triangle identified three interconnected forms: direct violence (physical harm by identifiable actors), structural violence (harm embedded in social systems), and cultural violence (beliefs and norms that legitimize the other two). Achieving positive peace requires addressing all three.
Around the same time, Kenneth Boulding, an American economist and peace researcher, co-founded the Center for Research on Conflict Resolution at the University of Michigan in 1956 and helped establish the Journal of Conflict Resolution in 1957, creating the first major English-language academic outlet for peace research.
Boulding contributed the concept of stable peace - a condition where war between particular states becomes virtually unthinkable (as between France and Germany after 1945, or the US and Canada). His work emphasized that peace could be studied using economic and systems theory models.
The Journal of Peace Research, founded by Galtung in 1964 and published by PRIO, became the leading peer-reviewed outlet for quantitative and qualitative peace research. Together with the Journal of Conflict Resolution, these two journals established the empirical and methodological standards that distinguish peace studies from political advocacy.
By the mid-1960s, peace research institutes had been established across Scandinavia, Western Europe, and North America, creating an institutional infrastructure that ensured the field would survive beyond its founding generation and become a permanent feature of university curricula and policy advising.
From Cold War Security to Broader Human Security
During the Cold War (1947-1991), peace studies was dominated by the study of interstate conflict, nuclear deterrence, and superpower rivalry. The central question was how to prevent a third world war, particularly nuclear war between the United States and the Soviet Union.
Strategic studies and deterrence theory heavily influenced the field during this period. Scholars like Thomas Schelling and Herman Kahn analyzed the logic of nuclear strategy, arms races, and the balance of terror, producing frameworks that shaped actual policy during the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962) and arms control negotiations.
Peace researchers during the Cold War era focused on arms control agreements such as the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT I, 1972; SALT II, 1979), the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT, 1968), and confidence-building measures designed to reduce the risk of accidental nuclear war.
The end of the Cold War in 1991 transformed the field dramatically. The threat of superpower nuclear exchange receded, but new forms of conflict emerged: ethnic wars, state failure, genocide, and complex humanitarian emergencies became the dominant security challenges.
The human security paradigm, articulated in the 1994 UNDP Human Development Report, shifted the focus from the security of states to the security of individuals. It identified seven dimensions: economic, food, health, environmental, personal, community, and political security.
This shift from state-centric to people-centric security was transformative for peace studies because it broadened the scope of analysis beyond military threats to include poverty, disease, environmental degradation, and human rights violations as threats to peace.
John Paul Lederach, an American scholar and practitioner, became a leading voice for conflict transformation rather than mere conflict resolution. His work in Central America and the Philippines emphasized that sustainable peace requires transforming the relationships, structures, and cultural patterns that generate violence, not simply negotiating ceasefire agreements.
Common Mistake
Do not conflate negative peace with genuine peace. A country may rank well on conflict databases because it has no active war, but still experience extreme structural violence through poverty, repression, or systematic discrimination. Always consider both negative and positive peace dimensions in exam responses.
Avoid presenting peace studies as a purely Western discipline. While institutional origins are largely Western and Northern European, indigenous peacebuilding traditions (Ubuntu in Southern Africa, Ho'oponopono in Hawaii, Gacaca in Rwanda) predate and enrich the academic field.
Be precise with dates and institutions. Examiners reward specific knowledge: PRIO was founded in 1959, not "the 1950s"; the Journal of Conflict Resolution launched in 1957; Galtung's structural violence concept appeared in 1969.
Post-Cold War Expansion and New Challenges
The 1990s saw an explosion of new conflicts that challenged existing peace frameworks: the Rwandan Genocide (1994), the breakup of Yugoslavia and Bosnian War (1992-1995), the Somali state collapse (1991), and Sierra Leone's civil war (1991-2002) all demonstrated that the end of superpower rivalry did not mean the end of mass violence.
Mary Kaldor's influential book "New Wars" (1999) argued that post-Cold War conflicts were fundamentally different from traditional interstate wars. These new wars were characterized by identity politics rather than ideology, decentralized violence by militias and warlords, globalized financing through diaspora networks and illicit trade, and deliberate targeting of civilians.
The liberal peacebuilding model became the dominant international approach during the 1990s and 2000s. It prescribed a standard package of interventions: democratic elections, free market reforms, rule of law institutions, and human rights frameworks. The UN applied this model in Cambodia, Mozambique, Timor-Leste, and Bosnia.
Critics like Oliver Richmond and Roger Mac Ginty argued that liberal peacebuilding was a form of top-down imposition that often ignored local traditions, created dependency on international actors, and produced "virtual peace" that looked good in reports but failed to address grassroots needs.
Roland Paris documented how premature liberalization in post-conflict states often reignited violence: rushed elections in Angola (1992) and Burundi (1993) produced new rounds of civil war because the institutional foundations for democratic competition were absent.
The concept of hybrid peace (Mac Ginty, 2011) emerged to describe what actually happens when international peacebuilding frameworks interact with local realities. The result is typically a messy blend of international norms and local practices that defies neat categorization but may be more sustainable than purely top-down approaches.
Oliver Ramsbotham, Tom Woodhouse, and Hugh Miall published "Contemporary Conflict Resolution" (1999), which became a foundational textbook integrating conflict prevention, management, resolution, and transformation into a comprehensive analytical framework used in university peace studies programs worldwide.
Twenty-First Century Challenges
The September 11 attacks (2001) and the subsequent "War on Terror" posed a major challenge to peace studies. The securitization of foreign policy, the invasion of Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003), and the expansion of surveillance states raised questions about whether the post-Cold War peace dividend had been squandered.
Terrorism as a subject forced peace researchers to engage with difficult questions about non-state violence, radicalization, and the ethical limits of negotiation. Could and should states negotiate with groups designated as terrorists? Peace studies scholars like John Darby argued that nearly all successful peace processes ultimately involve dialogue with armed groups.
Hybrid warfare - combining conventional military force with cyber attacks, disinformation campaigns, economic coercion, and proxy forces - emerged as a defining challenge. Russia's actions in Ukraine from 2014 onwards demonstrated that conflict no longer fits neatly into categories of "war" and "peace."
Climate conflict has become an increasingly central concern. Research by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) and peace scholars links resource scarcity, extreme weather events, and environmental degradation to increased risks of displacement, communal violence, and state fragility, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia.
Digital authoritarianism and information warfare present new threats to peace. Social media platforms have been weaponized to incite violence (as in Myanmar's Rohingya crisis, 2017), spread disinformation, and undermine democratic processes, requiring peace studies to engage with technology governance.
The resurgence of great power competition between the United States, China, and Russia challenges liberal assumptions about the inevitability of cooperative international order. The Russia-Ukraine war (2022-present) and tensions over Taiwan have renewed scholarly attention to interstate conflict and nuclear risk.
Artificial intelligence and autonomous weapons raise new ethical and security questions for peace researchers. The prospect of AI-driven decision-making in military operations, autonomous lethal weapons systems, and algorithmic targeting challenges existing frameworks of international humanitarian law and human accountability.
The global displacement crisis has reached record levels: over 110 million people were forcibly displaced by 2023 according to UNHCR, driven by conflict, persecution, and increasingly by climate-related factors. Peace studies now integrates displacement, migration, and refugee protection as central concerns rather than peripheral consequences of war.
Key Thinkers and Peace Research Institutions
Foundational Thinkers
Johan Galtung (b. 1930): founder of PRIO (1959), creator of the negative/positive peace distinction and the violence triangle framework. Published over 1,600 articles and 170 books. Pioneered the concept of structural violence and conflict transformation.
Kenneth Boulding (1910-1993): co-founded the Center for Research on Conflict Resolution (1956) and the Journal of Conflict Resolution (1957). Developed the concept of stable peace and applied economic systems theory to conflict analysis.
John Paul Lederach (b. 1955): developed the conflict transformation approach, emphasizing that sustainable peace requires changing relationships, cultures, and structures rather than simply negotiating agreements. His "Building Peace" (1997) became essential reading for peacebuilding practitioners.
Oliver Ramsbotham: co-author of "Contemporary Conflict Resolution," which synthesized decades of peace research into an accessible framework covering conflict prevention, settlement, transformation, and post-conflict reconstruction.
Mary Kaldor (b. 1946): developed the "new wars" thesis, arguing that post-Cold War conflicts differ fundamentally from interstate wars. Advocates for human security and cosmopolitan approaches to global governance.
Betty Reardon (1929-2023): pioneered feminist peace education, arguing that patriarchy and militarism are structurally linked and that peace requires dismantling gendered systems of domination.
Major Peace Research Institutions
Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), founded in 1966, provides data and analysis on armaments, disarmament, and international security. Its annual yearbook tracking military expenditure, arms transfers, and armed conflicts is the global standard reference.
International Crisis Group (ICG), established in 1995, produces field-based analysis and policy recommendations on deadly conflicts worldwide. It operates from 30 locations and advises governments, multilateral organizations, and media on conflict prevention.
Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP), founded in 2007 in Sydney, produces the Global Peace Index (GPI), which ranks 163 countries across 23 indicators including ongoing conflict, societal safety, and militarization. It also publishes the Positive Peace Index measuring institutional and structural factors.
Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) and the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) jointly maintain the most comprehensive global dataset on armed conflicts, providing the empirical foundation for much of contemporary peace research.
The Global Peace Index and Measuring Peace
The Global Peace Index (GPI), published annually by the IEP since 2007, is the most widely cited measure of peacefulness, ranking 163 countries using 23 qualitative and quantitative indicators organized into three domains: ongoing domestic and international conflict, societal safety and security, and militarization.
According to the 2024 GPI, Iceland has topped the index every year since its inception, followed consistently by countries such as Ireland, Denmark, Austria, New Zealand, and Portugal. Afghanistan, Yemen, and Syria have repeatedly ranked as the least peaceful.
The Positive Peace Index (PPI), also produced by the IEP, measures eight "pillars" that sustain peaceful societies: well-functioning government, sound business environment, equitable distribution of resources, acceptance of the rights of others, good relations with neighbours, free flow of information, high levels of human capital, and low levels of corruption.
Critics argue the GPI has a Western liberal bias: it measures peace through indicators that favour stable democracies with low military spending, potentially undervaluing forms of social cohesion or communal peace that exist outside liberal democratic frameworks.
The economic cost of violence is another IEP metric: in 2023, the global economic impact of violence was estimated at $17.5 trillion, equivalent to 12.9% of global GDP, encompassing military spending, internal security, conflict-related displacement, and lost economic productivity.
Despite limitations, the GPI has been influential in policy circles because it provides quantifiable benchmarks for peacefulness, allows longitudinal comparison, and draws media attention to the measurable costs of conflict and the measurable benefits of peace.
How Peace Studies Informs IB Global Politics
The IB Global Politics course draws directly on the evolution of peace and conflict studies across all four core units: Power, Sovereignty, and International Relations; Human Rights; Development; and Peace and Conflict.
Galtung's distinction between negative and positive peace is foundational to the Peace and Conflict unit. Students must demonstrate understanding that peace is not simply the absence of war but requires addressing structural violence, inequality, and injustice.
The shift from state security to human security informs the Human Rights and Development units, where students analyze how poverty, disease, environmental degradation, and political repression threaten individuals regardless of whether their state is technically "at peace."
The critical peace studies critique of liberal peacebuilding connects to the Sovereignty unit: students must evaluate whether international interventions (peacekeeping, sanctions, regime change) promote genuine peace or serve the strategic interests of powerful states.
Understanding the evolution of the discipline from conflict management to conflict transformation equips students to evaluate the adequacy of current responses to 21st century challenges including climate conflict, hybrid warfare, and digital authoritarianism.
Theoretical pluralism is essential: realist, liberal, constructivist, critical, feminist, and post-colonial perspectives each offer different diagnoses and prescriptions for peace. Top-band exam responses engage multiple perspectives rather than privileging one framework.
The engagement activities in the IB Global Politics course - simulations, model UN, community projects - reflect the peace studies emphasis on praxis (linking theory to practice). Galtung himself insisted that peace research must not remain in the academy but inform real-world conflict resolution and social transformation.
Understanding the evolution of peace studies provides students with a meta-analytical framework: rather than simply applying one theory, students can evaluate how the historical development of the discipline shapes which questions are asked, which conflicts receive attention, and which solutions are considered legitimate.
Case study
SIPRI, the Global Peace Index, and the measurement of peace: the institutionalization of peace research illustrates how academic disciplines shape real-world policy debates.
SIPRI was founded in 1966 by the Swedish government to commemorate 150 years of unbroken peace in Sweden. Its annual Yearbook, tracking military expenditure across all states, became the authoritative global reference for arms spending data, influencing arms control negotiations and defence policy debates.
The Global Peace Index, launched by the IEP in 2007, ranks 163 countries annually. Iceland has topped the index every year. The GPI draws media attention to peace as a measurable condition, enabling comparative analysis and policy benchmarking.
Positive Peace Index: the IEP also developed the PPI measuring eight "pillars" of institutional and attitudinal strength that sustain peaceful societies, shifting the conversation from "absence of war" to "presence of resilient institutions."
Critique: the GPI reflects a Western liberal framework emphasizing state stability, low militarization, and democratic governance. Countries with strong communal peacebuilding traditions but weak formal institutions may rank poorly. Post-colonial scholars argue that measurement tools embedded in Western assumptions risk marginalizing alternative peace traditions.
Galtung's legacy: the fact that SIPRI, IEP, and PRIO all exist as independent research institutions fulfilling Galtung's vision of peace as a subject for systematic scientific study demonstrates how the field evolved from a fringe concern to a globally institutionalized discipline influencing UN policy, national security strategies, and IB curricula alike.
IB connection: the GPI and SIPRI data are frequently used in Paper 1 sources and Paper 3 stimuli. Students who understand the methodological choices behind these indices can critically evaluate their reliability rather than treating them as neutral facts.
Exam technique
Paper 1 (Source-Based, 1h15m, 25 marks)
For Q1 (3m), identify the specific peace and conflict frameworks or scholars referenced in the source.
For Q2 (4m), explain how the source reflects a particular tradition in peace studies - link to Galtung, realist security, or feminist peace.
For Q3 (6m), compare how sources draw on different traditions - classical security studies vs. critical peace studies.
For Q4 (12m), evaluate how the evolution of the field shapes current policy responses, using sources AND examples of changing peace frameworks.
Paper 2 (Extended Essay, 1h45m, 30 marks)
Section A: Show how different eras of peace and conflict studies produce different understandings of the same conflicts.
Section B: Connect the field's evolution to themes like rights, justice, development, or gender.
Top band (13-15) requires diverse perspectives - Western-centered vs. Global South and indigenous approaches to peace.
Paper 3 - HL Only (Stimulus-Based, 1h30m, 28 marks)
For Q1 (3m), analyse which peace and conflict framework the stimulus reflects.
For Q2b (6m), recommend approaches informed by critical peace studies while acknowledging practical security concerns.
For Q3 (15m), synthesize case studies to show how different analytical frameworks shape our understanding of conflict and peace.
Active recall
Explain the difference between negative peace and positive peace using Galtung's framework, and give one example of a country that has achieved one but not the other.
Describe the three types of violence in Galtung's violence triangle and explain how they reinforce each other using a specific case study.
Why was the founding of PRIO in 1959 significant for the development of peace studies as an academic discipline?
Explain how the end of the Cold War changed the focus of peace and conflict studies, and identify two new types of conflict that emerged in the 1990s.
Compare how Kenneth Boulding and Johan Galtung approached the study of peace differently.
Evaluate the strengths and limitations of the Global Peace Index as a tool for measuring peace.
Explain what liberal peacebuilding is and why scholars like Oliver Richmond criticize it.
Identify three 21st century challenges (from terrorism, hybrid warfare, climate conflict, or digital authoritarianism) and explain how each challenges traditional peace frameworks.
Using the concept of human security, explain why a country with no active war might still be considered insecure.