Civil rights movement in the United States - Protests and action Questionbank

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Testimony of Fannie Lou Hamer, civil rights activist, given before the Credentials Committee at the Democratic National Convention, August 1964.

“In June of ’63, I tried to register to vote in Mississippi. I was fired from my job, beaten in jail, and threatened just for wanting a say in the laws that governed me. The police told me, 'You're messing with white folks' business.' They used cattle prods on us in that jail. I wasn’t the only one - this is how it is for Black folks who try to vote. We aren’t just kept out of the polls - we’re kept in fear.”

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This 1965 editorial cartoon by Herbert L. Block (Herblock) was published in the Washington Post on May 20, 1965.

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Excerpt from a report by the U.S. Civil Rights Commission, 1959.

“In many southern states, African Americans face systemic barriers to voting: literacy tests with arbitrary grading, ‘understanding clauses’, poll taxes, and outright intimidation. County registrars apply these standards unevenly. In Alabama, less than 10% of eligible Black citizens are registered, compared to over 80% of whites. Voter suppression is a deliberate tool used to maintain white political dominance.”

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Excerpt from a speech by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., delivered in Selma, Alabama, March 1965.

“We are here to say to the white men who deny our brothers the vote, that we will no longer be turned around. We will march, we will register, we will vote - no matter the dogs, no matter the clubs. This movement is not about anger. It is about dignity. The ballot is our right - not a gift from the oppressor. We will have it. And we will have it peacefully, but relentlessly.”

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Excerpt from Chief Justice Earl Warren’s majority opinion, U.S. Supreme Court, Brown v. Board of Education, 17 May 1954.

“We conclude that in the field of public education, the doctrine of ‘separate but equal’ has no place. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal. Segregation of children in public schools solely on the basis of race generates a feeling of inferiority... that may affect the hearts and minds of children in a way unlikely ever to be undone. Education is the foundation of good citizenship. To deny it equally to all is to deny the very foundation of democracy.”

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Excerpt from an article published in the Arkansas Gazette, 5 September 1957.

“The arrival of Negro pupils at Central High School was met with resistance and turmoil. Angry crowds gathered early. Shouts of ‘go back!’ and ‘we don’t want you!’ rang out across the campus. The Governor, claiming to prevent violence, called in the National Guard - not to protect the students, but to block their entry. Parents are deeply divided. While some believe the law must be followed, others warn that ‘forced integration’ will destroy community peace.”

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Testimony of Daisy Bates, president of the Arkansas NAACP, before a Congressional committee, 1958.

“What happened at Little Rock showed the world that legal decisions mean nothing without enforcement. Elizabeth Eckford walked alone into that storm not just because of racism, but because the government failed to act quickly.

The crowd’s hate - grown men and women screaming at a child - is the true face of segregation. These were not fringe extremists, but teachers, parents, and students. The NAACP has worked tirelessly to ensure the right to education for all. We are not asking for favours - only for what is already law.”

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Statement from the Alabama Governor’s Office, 1961

The so-called “Freedom Riders” who came into our state this spring were nothing more than outside agitators, deliberately provoking trouble where none existed. Our people have lived peacefully under long-standing customs that separate the races, customs accepted by both white and colored citizens alike. These Riders, many of whom were trained in Northern universities, deliberately sought to inflame tensions by disregarding established seating arrangements on buses. Their actions endangered public safety and created scenes that embarrassed our state before the nation. It should be remembered that Alabama has the right to regulate its own transport system without interference from Washington or self-styled reformers. The real victims of the Freedom Rides are not the so-called protesters, but the ordinary citizens of Alabama, who had their communities disrupted and their reputation slandered by reckless publicity-seekers determined to tear down the Southern way of life.

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Excerpt from Raymond Arsenault, Freedom Riders: 1961 and the Struggle for Racial Justice (2006)

The Freedom Rides were a watershed moment in the civil rights movement. In defiance of both state laws and violent mobs, interracial groups of activists rode Greyhound and Trailways buses through the Deep South to test the Supreme Court’s ruling in Boynton v. Virginia (1960), which had outlawed segregation in interstate bus travel. Riders were brutally attacked: buses were firebombed in Anniston, and riders were beaten in Birmingham and Montgomery. Yet the violence drew national media attention, shocking the conscience of Americans watching television screens across the country. The Riders’ courage forced the federal government to intervene, and in September 1961, the Interstate Commerce Commission ordered the desegregation of bus terminals. The Freedom Rides demonstrated the effectiveness of direct action combined with media exposure, inspiring future campaigns and proving that non-violent protest could bring tangible change, though at enormous personal risk to those who participated.

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Photograph of an N.A.A.C.P. “Freedom Bus” and riders, 1961.

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Oral history interview with John Lewis, Freedom Rider, 1987

When we boarded those buses, we knew the danger we were facing. We had been trained in non-violence, told to protect our heads if attacked, and never to strike back. The mobs in Birmingham and Montgomery were ferocious; I was beaten to the ground and thought I might die. But I never doubted the value of what we were doing. The Freedom Rides showed America the truth about the South. We weren’t seeking glory, we wanted the law of the land enforced. The Supreme Court had ruled segregation illegal, yet states ignored it. By risking our lives, we forced the federal government to act. I believe the Riders proved that ordinary citizens could confront injustice directly, not just wait for politicians. We carried the struggle forward, and though many of us bore scars, we knew the rides had pushed America one step closer to justice.

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Statement by Governor Orval Faubus of Arkansas, September 1957

The citizens of Arkansas are disturbed by the attempts of outside forces to dictate how we manage our schools. The Supreme Court’s decision in Brown v. Board of Education may apply in theory, but in practice, the forced integration of Central High School will bring nothing but disorder and violence. My duty as governor is to preserve peace and order in this state. For that reason, I have called out the Arkansas National Guard to prevent the entry of colored students into Central High until suitable arrangements can be made. This is not an attack on any race but a defense of our community against agitation. It is essential that the rights of our white citizens be respected, just as much as those of the Negro minority. The real danger here lies in the reckless speed with which integration is being forced upon our people without their consent.

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Excerpt from Daisy Bates, President of the Arkansas NAACP, The Long Shadow of Little Rock (1962)

For the nine children chosen to integrate Central High School, life became a daily test of endurance. Walking to class through a gauntlet of insults, shoves, and spittle, they faced a mob determined to drive them out. Their courage was remarkable, for they were only teenagers. The role of the federal government was critical: when President Eisenhower finally sent the 101st Airborne Division to protect the children, order was restored, and the students could continue their schooling. Little Rock became a symbol for the nation, proof that segregation would not stand when challenged by determined individuals backed by federal authority. Yet, the events also showed the depth of Southern resistance. While the students endured heroically, the battle for integration was far from over. For every victory at Central High, countless other schools across the South remained closed to black children, reminding us that progress came slowly and at a heavy price.

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Photograph of Elizabeth Eckford, one of the “Little Rock Nine,” walking to Central High School, September 4, 1957.

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Interview with President Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1963

I had no desire to send soldiers into Little Rock, but the law of the land had to be upheld. Governor Faubus defied a federal court order by using his state troops to prevent integration. That was not a matter of local choice, it was open defiance of the Constitution. The scenes outside Central High were broadcast across the world. I was deeply concerned about the damage to America’s reputation. At a time when we were engaged in a global struggle for freedom against communism, we could not allow pictures of children being threatened simply for wanting to go to school. My decision to send in the 101st Airborne was not taken lightly, but it was necessary. The duty of the president is to ensure that federal law is respected. The events in Little Rock made clear that the government must sometimes intervene directly to protect the rights of its citizens.

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Statement by Commissioner of Public Safety, Eugene “Bull” Connor, May 1963

We are facing a deliberate campaign of provocation here in Birmingham. These so-called “demonstrations” are nothing but lawlessness disguised as protest. I will not allow mobs of people, including children, to parade through the streets in defiance of our ordinances. The police have acted with restraint, but when order is threatened, we must use whatever means are necessary, water hoses, police dogs, or arrests, to protect the peace. The demonstrators claim they want justice, but in truth they are crippling our businesses and stirring up hatred. Outsiders like Martin Luther King Jr. have come here to stir up trouble, when Birmingham’s affairs are none of his concern. Our city will not be intimidated by threats or by the eyes of the outside world. We will uphold law and order, whatever it takes.

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Excerpt from Martin Luther King Jr., Letter from Birmingham Jail (April 1963)

We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and God-given rights. When you have seen vicious mobs lynch your mothers and fathers at will; when you see hate-filled policemen curse, kick and brutalize your brothers and sisters; when you see the vast majority of twenty million Negro brothers smothering in an airtight cage of poverty in the midst of an affluent society — then you will understand why we cannot wait. Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and foster such tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. The purpose of our demonstrations is to dramatize the injustice, so that it cannot be ignored. Birmingham is the most segregated city in America, and its injustice must be exposed. For justice too long delayed is justice denied.

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Photograph of a young demonstrator being attacked by a police dog in Birmingham, May 1963 (published in newspapers worldwide).

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President John F. Kennedy, televised address on civil rights, June 11, 1963

We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and as clear as the American Constitution. The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or state or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them. The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. It is time to act, in the Congress, in your state and local legislative bodies, and above all in all of our daily lives. Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century, to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law.

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Statement from Dallas County Sheriff Jim Clark, March 1965

The marchers who gathered in Selma were not peaceful citizens exercising their rights. They were agitators, many brought in from outside, deliberately attempting to disrupt our community. Our duty as law enforcement officers is to maintain order and protect the safety of all citizens. When unlawful marches were attempted, without permits, we were compelled to use force to disperse the crowd. Any action taken by my deputies or by state troopers was necessary to prevent chaos. These so-called civil rights demonstrations are really designed to provoke violence in order to gain publicity. Selma has always managed its own affairs, and we will not allow outside groups like Martin Luther King Jr.’s organization or the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee to dictate how we run our county. The law must be respected, and we will uphold it without hesitation.

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Excerpt from John Lewis, SNCC leader, speech after “Bloody Sunday,” March 1965

We set out to march peacefully from Selma to Montgomery, carrying nothing but our faith and our determination to vote. We were met with tear gas, clubs, and bullwhips. State troopers on horseback charged us without mercy. I was beaten to the ground, my skull fractured, yet I never raised a hand in retaliation. What happened on the Edmund Pettus Bridge was not an accident; it was the deliberate attempt of a state to deny its citizens the right to participate in democracy. We marched because in Dallas County, only a tiny fraction of eligible Negroes were registered to vote, despite our constitutional right. That day the whole world saw the truth about Alabama. We showed that we were willing to suffer for freedom, and in doing so, we awakened the conscience of a nation.

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Photograph of marchers on the Edmund Pettus Bridge, Selma, March 7, 1965 (“Bloody Sunday”).

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President Lyndon B. Johnson, address to Congress on voting rights, March 15, 1965

At times history and fate meet at a single time and place to shape a turning point in man’s unending search for freedom. Selma, Alabama, is such a place. What happened on the Edmund Pettus Bridge is a shameful event in American history, but out of that shame we can find hope. It is wrong, deadly wrong, to deny any of our fellow Americans the right to vote in this country. Their cause must be our cause too. Because it is not just Negroes, but really it is all of us, who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome. Every American citizen must have an equal right to vote, and we are here to ensure that right now. I ask you to join in this cause. I ask every member of Congress, every American at every level of government, to put an end to the denial of this right.

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Statement from Montgomery Police Commissioner Clyde Sellers, December 1955

The disturbances on our buses are being stirred up not by ordinary colored passengers, but by outside agitators who seek to disrupt the peace of Montgomery. The law requires separation of the races on public transport, and it has worked for years without trouble. Now we are confronted by demands for “integration,” which amount to an attempt to overturn our customs and way of life. This boycott is causing financial hardship not only to the bus company but to hardworking citizens who depend on these buses for employment. Our city cannot allow such unlawful pressure to succeed, for if the law is ignored in one place, it will collapse in others. We intend to enforce our ordinances firmly and without apology. Those who defy the law must face the consequences, for this city cannot function if individuals take it upon themselves to decide which laws they will obey.

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Excerpt from Rosa Parks, My Story (1992)

When I refused to give up my seat, I was not thinking of starting a movement. I was thinking of the long years in which I had endured mistreatment, of the countless times I had seen others suffer humiliation on those buses. The boycott that followed was not the work of any one person, but of a whole community that had been pushed too far. Men and women, young and old, walked miles every day to avoid the buses. Car pools were organized, church leaders gave sermons of encouragement, and people shared rides with strangers. The hardship was real, but the determination was greater. For 381 days the boycott continued, and it showed us the strength of unity. The victory in the courts, declaring bus segregation unconstitutional, was not just about seating arrangements. It was about dignity. It was about saying we would no longer accept being treated as second-class citizens.

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Photograph of Rosa Parks being fingerprinted after her arrest, December 1, 1955.

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Excerpt from Martin Luther King Jr., Stride Toward Freedom (1958)

The Montgomery Bus Boycott was a turning point not only for Montgomery but for America. It was the first time that an entire Negro community united in nonviolent protest for more than a year and succeeded. Our method was simple but powerful: we refused to cooperate with injustice. The boycott taught us that nonviolence was not passive; it was active resistance that sought not to humiliate the opponent but to win his friendship and understanding. We learned that when oppressed people withdraw their cooperation, the system of oppression cannot continue. It was in Montgomery that we first glimpsed the potential of nonviolent mass protest. While the struggle was not easy, the intimidation, arrests, and threats were constant, the outcome inspired others to believe that change was possible. From Montgomery, a new spirit spread across the South, and the civil rights movement was never the same again.