Kosovo - Course and interventions Questionbank

Source A

A speech by Josip Broz Tito made on 29 November 1943 in Belgrade.

We are very well aware that the traitor government is doing all it can to smuggle itself back into Yugoslavia at any cost (and that goes for the king too) before the people utter their decisive word on their future. We know that certain reactionary circles abroad are helping that government. But we also know that the vast majority of progressive democratic elements in the Allied countries sincerely desire our people to decide their future for themselves … We have been slandered from all sides … All the occupiers and traitors … say that our people’s liberation struggle in Yugoslavia is purely a communist affair, involving the bolshevization of a country, an attempt by the communists to seize power, the abolition of private property, the destruction of the church and of religion, the destruction of culture and so on … Very few people believe these lies any longer, and least of all the people of Yugoslavia … The times are past when a handful of reactionaries could ascribe such matters to the communists of Yugoslavia, in order to isolate them from the people. Bearing this in mind … It is essential to take steps to ensure that our peoples obtain a state system based on the brotherhood and equality of rights of all peoples of Yugoslavia and which would guarantee genuine liberty and democracy to all sections of the community. The monarchy has completely discredited itself in the eyes of the people during the last twenty-three years. The evidence for this has been proved hundreds of thousands of times and all our peoples know it. Only a republican form of government can ensure that such disasters never again come upon our people.

Source B

A speech by Josip Broz Tito made on 14 February 1945 in Belgrade.

Our sacrices are terrible. I can safely say that there is no other part of the world which has been devastated on a vaster scale than Yugoslavia. Every tenth Yugoslav has perished in this struggle in which we were forced to wrest armaments from our enemies, to freeze without clothing, and to die without medication. ▲ Josip Tito and General Popovitch, who became foreign minister in Yugoslavia after the war, in 1943 144 2 ATL Thinking and social skills With a partner, share your responses to the questions above. Peer edit each other’s work and suggest how you can each improve your answers. Nevertheless our optimism and faith have proved justied. The greatest gain of this conict between democracy and fascism lies in the fact that it has drawn together everything that was good in humanity. The unity of the United States, the Soviet Union and Great Britain is the best guarantee to the peoples of the world that Nazi horrors will never again be repeated. In organizing our country on the sacred principles of democracy and of concern for the common man, we Yugoslavs believe that we are making our best contribution to this harmonious community.

Source C

A speech by Josip Broz Tito made on 9 May 1945 in Belgrade.

Peoples of Yugoslavia! Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Macedonians, Montenegrins, Moslems! The long-desired day has dawned which you have been waiting for with such yearning. The day of rejoicing has come to us here, too. Finally the greatest fascist power in Europe is vanquished, Germany, which incited so much suffering upon our people and took so many victims. The powers that tried to enslave you have been vanquished. You were offered enticements by the German and Italian fascists in order to lead you to exterminate each other. But your best sons and daughters, inspired with love for their homeland and for you, her peoples, thwarted this diabolical enemy plan. Instead of mutual dissension and hostility, you are today united in a new and happier Yugoslavia. Instead of the old Yugoslavia, rotten with corruption and injustice, today we have the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia of equal peoples. This is the result of the victory of our glorious Yugoslav Army, it is the result of your endurance, your self-sacrifice and faith in your just cause … We must make our brotherhood and unity even stronger, so that never again can any force destroy it.

Source A

Miloševic´ speaking in Kosovo in 1989.

Source B

Preface to the website “Dedicated to giving people the chance to read some of the speeches and interviews with Miloševic”´ (translated into English).

No man on Earth has been lied about more than Slobodan Miloševic´. One of the most popular lies is that he whipped up nationalism among the Serbian people, and through that nationalism he incited the wars that destroyed the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia. Miloševic´’s speeches were never nationalistic, nor did they contain any racism. We have posted the complete and unedited transcripts of Miloševic´’s speeches and interviews spanning his entire political career. Read his words and judge for yourself whether he was trying to whip up nationalism and incite wars.

http://www.slobodan-.org/speeches.html

Source C

Speech Miloševic ' gave at Kosovo Polje (the “Field of Blackbirds”) to a crowd of largely Serb Kosovars on 24–25 April 1987.

Nationalism always means isolation from others, being locked in a closed circle, and that also means stopping growth, because without cooperation and connection with Yugoslavia, and then widening vistas, there is no progress. Every nation and nationality which shuts itself off and isolates itself behaves irresponsibly toward their constituents’ growth. That is why, before anything else, we communists must do all that is required to eliminate the consequences of nationalist and separatist behaviour … But our goal is to emerge from a state of hatred, intolerance and mistrust. That all people in Kosovo live well. And that is why, in relation to that goal, I want to tell you colleagues, yes, you need to stay here. This is your land. Your homes are here, your memories … You need to stay here because of your forefathers and because of your descendants. You would shame your forefathers and disappoint your descendants … We’ll change it together, we, Serbia and all of Yugoslavia! … we can at least stop the exodus, we can assure the condition that all people that live on Kosovo be in their homes, live under equal rights and equal allotment of Kosovo economic opportunity before anything else, and then all other opportunities … All of Yugoslavia is with you. The issue isn’t that it’s a problem for Yugoslavia, but Yugoslavia and Kosovo. Yugoslavia doesn’t exist without Kosovo! Yugoslavia would disintegrate without Kosovo! Yugoslavia and Serbia will never give up Kosovo!

Source D

Excerpts from the speech by Miloševic ´ at a rally in Belgrade, 19 November 1988.

Comrades, no meeting as big as this has been held in Belgrade since its liberation. The last time such a great number of people, united by a great idea, gathered in the streets of Belgrade was on 20th October 1944. At that time the people in the streets of Belgrade were celebrating victory in the war. At that time, just as today, members of all Yugoslav peoples and nationalities assembled here in togetherness. The most important thing that we must resolve at this time is to establish peace and order in Kosovo. There is no more urgent task for Serbia, nor should there be any other more pressing task for all of Yugoslavia, because the solidarity of the Yugoslav peoples and especially of Yugoslav workers have always been their greatest and strongest characteristic … For this reason, it is difcult to explain why this solidarity has been late in manifesting itself to a greater extent, more quickly, and with a greater love when citizens of our own country have been concerned. The long absence of this solidarity with the boundless suffering of the Serbs and Montenegrins in Kosovo constitutes an incurable wound to their hearts and to the heart of all of Serbia. We shall win the battle for Kosovo regardless of the obstacles facing us inside and outside the country … Nobody should be surprised that all Serbia rose up last summer because of Kosovo. Kosovo is the very centre of its history, its culture, and its memory. All people have a love which burns in their hearts forever. For a Serb that love is Kosovo. That is why Kosovo will remain in Serbia. That will not be at the expense of Albanians. I can tell the Albanians in Kosovo that nobody has ever found it difcult to live in Serbia because he is not Serbian. Serbia has always been open to everybody to the homeless, to the poor and the rich alike, to the happy and the desperate, to those who were only passing through and to those who wanted to stay.

Source E

Excerpts from the speech by Miloševic ´ at Gazimestan, Kosovo, 28 June 1989 (the 600th anniversary of the Battle of the Blackbirds between Serbian and Ottoman forces).

At the time when this famous historical battle was fought in Kosovo, the people were looking at the stars, expecting aid from them. Now, six centuries later, they are looking at the stars again, waiting to conquer them. On the rst occasion, they could allow themselves to be disunited and to have hatred and treason because they lived in smaller, weakly interlinked worlds. Now, as people on this planet, they cannot conquer even their own planet if they are not united, let alone other planets, unless they live in mutual harmony and solidarity. Therefore, words devoted to unity, solidarity, and cooperation among people have no greater signicance anywhere on the soil of our motherland than they have here in the eld of Kosovo, which is a symbol of disunity and treason. In the memory of the Serbian people, this disunity was decisive in causing the loss of the battle and in bringing about the fate which Serbia suffered for a full six centuries. Even if it were not so, from a historical point of view, it remains certain that the people regarded disunity as its greatest disaster. Therefore it is the obligation of the people to remove disunity, so that they may protect themselves from defeats, failures, and stagnation in the future. Six centuries later, now, we are again engaged in battles and are facing battles. They are not armed battles, although such things cannot be excluded yet … Our chief battle now concerns implementing the 174 2 economic, political, cultural, and general social prosperity, finding a quicker and more successful approach to a civilization in which people will live in the 21st century. Six centuries ago, Serbia heroically defended itself in the lead of Kosovo, but it also defended Europe. Serbia was at that time the bastion that defended European culture, religion, and European society in general. Therefore today it appears not only unjust but even unhistorical and completely absurd to talk about Serbia’s belonging to Europe. Serbia has been a part of Europe incessantly, now just as much as it was in the past … In this spirit we now endeavour to build a society, rich and democratic, and thus to contribute to the prosperity of this beautiful country, this unjustly suffering country, but also to contribute to the efforts of all the progressive people of our age that make for a better and happier world. Let the memory of Kosovo heroism live forever! Long live Serbia! Long live Yugoslavia!

Long live peace and brotherhood among peoples.

Source Q

Statement by a Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) commander to the press, 1998

For years we listened to Rugova’s calls for peaceful resistance, and what did it bring us? More repression, more humiliation, and no freedom. Our people were beaten, our homes burned, our schools closed. The world ignored us because we were too quiet. So we took up arms. The KLA was born from desperation, from the belief that only through struggle could we win our rights. We are not terrorists; we are freedom fighters. Every nation has the right to defend itself. The Serbian regime labels us criminals, but it is they who commit crimes daily. We fight because we want to live in dignity, not as second-class citizens. We fight because Serbia understands only the language of force. We will not stop until Kosovo is free.

Source R

Report from the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), January 1999

The events in the village of Račak represent a turning point. On 15 January, Serbian security forces launched an operation, claiming to target “terrorists.” When observers entered the village, they found dozens of unarmed civilians, including women and the elderly, shot at close range. Survivors reported that villagers were rounded up and executed. The Serbian authorities insisted the dead were KLA combatants killed in battle, but evidence strongly suggests a massacre. The brutality of Račak shocked the international community, reinforcing the view that Milosevic’s forces were engaged in systematic violations of human rights. For many in Europe and the United States, this atrocity proved that negotiations alone could not stop the violence. Calls for international intervention grew louder. Račak became a symbol of Serbian repression and a catalyst for the escalation of the conflict.

Source S

NATO stumbles over Kosovo, showing how the small region creates big challenges for international powers.

Source T

Testimony of a Kosovar Albanian refugee, interviewed in Macedonia, 1999

They came at night. Serbian soldiers and police. They knocked on doors, shouting for us to leave. My family ran into the street, carrying only what we could. Houses were burning. Neighbours who resisted were shot. We walked for days to reach the border. Along the road, we saw bodies, men separated from women, children crying. At every checkpoint, soldiers demanded money, sometimes taking girls away. By the time we reached Macedonia, we had nothing left. The camps were crowded, but at least we were safe. Still, we wondered: why did it take so long for the world to help us? For years we had asked for protection, but no one came until the killings filled the television screens.

Source Q

Report from the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), July 1999

By June 1999, over 850,000 Kosovar Albanians had been displaced by Serbian forces. Entire villages were emptied, families forced to march across borders into Macedonia and Albania. Refugee camps became overwhelmed, with shortages of food, shelter, and medicine. Following the entry of NATO and KFOR, the majority of refugees began returning home. Yet what they found was devastation: burned houses, destroyed infrastructure, and continuing insecurity. Many Serb families, in turn, fled Kosovo, fearing reprisals from Albanians. The refugee crisis highlighted the immense human cost of the conflict and the challenges of rebuilding a multi-ethnic society.

Source R

Statement by Ibrahim Rugova, inaugural address as President of Kosovo, 2002

Today, I stand before you as the first democratically elected President of Kosovo. Our journey has been long and painful. We have endured war, displacement, and loss. But we have also demonstrated courage and resilience. The task before us is to build a peaceful, democratic Kosovo, where all citizens, Albanians, Serbs, and others, can live with dignity. We must turn away from the cycle of revenge. Our independence may not yet be fully recognised, but our legitimacy comes from the will of our people and our commitment to democracy. I call upon the international community to continue its support, for our stability will contribute to peace in the Balkans and in Europe as a whole.

Source S

Photograph published in The Guardian, 2001. The image shows Slobodan Milosevic in The Hague courtroom. The courtroom backdrop displays the insignia of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). 

Source T

Testimony of a Kosovar Albanian woman, interview with Human Rights Watch, 2000

When I returned to my village after the war, nothing was left. Our house was a pile of ashes. The school was gone, the mosque burned. My husband had disappeared months before, taken by Serbian police, and I still do not know his fate. At first, I felt hope when NATO came, when KFOR patrolled the streets. But soon we saw new violence: Albanians attacking Serbs, taking revenge. Some of my neighbours joined in, but I could not. I had lost too much already. We said we wanted peace, yet hatred remained. Life is still hard, there is little work, and the wounds of war will not heal quickly.

Source Q

Speech by Slobodan Milosevic at Gazimestan, June 1989

Comrades, we stand here on the anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo, a reminder of our eternal struggle for freedom and dignity. For centuries, Serbs have defended this land against enemies who sought to destroy us. Today, we face new threats. Certain Albanian extremists demand separation, refusing to recognise the authority of Serbia. They intimidate Serbs, drive them from their homes, and insult our heritage. But let me be clear: Kosovo is the heart of Serbia, and Serbia will never abandon it. Reforms are underway to strengthen our unity, but they are resisted by those who prefer chaos. We have no quarrel with honest Albanians who wish to live in peace, but Serbia cannot and will not tolerate separatism. The enemies of Yugoslavia should understand that any attack on our sovereignty will be met with firmness. We are determined to protect our people and preserve our nation’s integrity.

Source R

Extract from Tim Judah, Kosovo: War and Revenge (2000)

The conflict in Kosovo was rooted in a collision between rising Albanian nationalism and Serbian fears of disintegration. By the late 1980s, Kosovo Albanians formed over 90% of the population but were politically marginalised. Under Tito’s Yugoslavia, they enjoyed significant autonomy, but Milosevic’s constitutional reforms of 1989 stripped these rights, placing Kosovo under direct Serbian control. For Albanians, this felt like colonisation. Schools and media in the Albanian language were restricted, jobs were lost, and protests were suppressed. In response, Ibrahim Rugova emerged as leader of a movement advocating passive resistance and the creation of parallel institutions: underground schools, clinics, and political organisations. Though Rugova opposed violence, Serbian authorities viewed even peaceful protest as a threat. Thus the stage was set: Serbian nationalism, embodied by Milosevic, clashed with Albanian demands for equality and independence. Kosovo became a crucible where competing visions of sovereignty and identity spiralled toward confrontation.

Source S

Kosovo’s push for independence is portrayed as a spark threatening to ignite Serbia like a powder keg, highlighting the explosive potential for conflict in the Balkans.

Source T

Testimony of a Kosovar Albanian teacher, interviewed in 1993

In 1990, they told us we could no longer teach in Albanian. Our schools were closed, our textbooks banned. I tried to hold lessons in my home, but the police came and said it was illegal. Many of my colleagues lost their jobs because they were Albanian. The government said we were extremists, but we only wanted to keep our language and dignity. We followed Rugova’s call for peaceful resistance, but we lived in fear every day. Some neighbours disappeared after joining protests. The Serbian authorities treated all of us as separatists. Our children grew up in basements, learning in secret. We felt invisible in our own land. I believed then, and still believe now, that they wanted us to give up hope. But we did not.

Source Q

Transcript from Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM), 4 April 1994

“Cut down the tall trees! Do not let them escape! The Inyenzi $cockroaches$ are everywhere, plotting with foreigners to destroy our country. They hide in your villages, in your markets, in your churches. Do not trust them, they are snakes in the grass! Take up your machetes and defend Rwanda. Every man who does not rise is a traitor; every woman who hides an Inyenzi is an enemy. The government and our brave soldiers cannot do this alone, we need the people to cleanse Rwanda of this Tutsi plague once and for all. Our forefathers fought for this land, and now it is your duty to protect it. Do not wait! The time is now! We are the majority, they are the minority. Together we will triumph, together we will defend Rwanda’s honour. Remember, the international community does not care about us—they turn their backs. Only you, the people, can save our country. Cut down the tall trees and finish this struggle for good!”

Source R

Human Rights Watch, “Leave None to Tell the Story,” 1999

The genocide in Rwanda was not spontaneous; it was organised and incited. At its heart lay the power of the media. The privately owned Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM) became a daily instrument of mobilisation, broadcasting names, addresses, and locations of Tutsi civilians, as well as instructions on where militias should gather. Ordinary Rwandans, many of them poor farmers, were bombarded with a steady stream of dehumanising propaganda that painted the Tutsi minority as “cockroaches” and enemies of the state. The written press, particularly Kangura, reinforced this hatred through articles such as the “Hutu Ten Commandments,” which urged Hutu men to avoid Tutsi women and treat all Tutsi as threats. These messages were not abstract, they were explicit calls for murder. International observers were aware of these broadcasts and publications but failed to act against them. The decision not to jam RTLM’s frequency was justified by some governments as a matter of free speech. The consequence was that hate radio remained on the air, providing encouragement and coordination throughout the slaughter.

Source S

French cartoon published in Le Monde, June 1994, criticizing UN inaction during the Rwandan genocide and the tolerance of RTLM hate radio broadcasts: “It was about time we arrived!

Source T

Testimony of a Rwandan Survivor, Gacaca Court, 2002

I had lived next to my neighbour for twenty years. We shared harvests, celebrated weddings, and mourned the dead together. But in April 1994 everything changed. After listening to the radio, he came to my house with others, carrying machetes. They called us cockroaches. He shouted, “The radio says we must do our duty. If we don’t, they will kill us first.” I could not believe it was him, this man who had once cared for my children. But RTLM gave him courage and gave him orders. They told people where to find us, which roadblocks to avoid, and how to prove loyalty to the Hutu cause. It was not only the killers with guns or uniforms; it was neighbours, teachers, and friends. All said the same thing: the radio told them. I survived by hiding, but my husband and children were killed. The machetes struck because of words. Without the radio, I believe many would never have joined the killings. It poisoned everything.

Source Q

Statement by NATO Secretary General Javier Solana, March 1999

After months of failed negotiations and escalating violence in Kosovo, NATO has no choice but to act. Our mission is clear: to prevent a humanitarian catastrophe and to protect the innocent. Serbian forces have driven hundreds of thousands from their homes, committing crimes that shock the conscience. Every effort at diplomacy was rejected by Belgrade. We take no pleasure in using force, but inaction would mean complicity. NATO is united: our air campaign will continue until Milosevic withdraws his forces, allows refugees to return, and accepts an international peacekeeping presence. This is not aggression against the Serbian people but a defence of human rights. We cannot and will not stand by while Europe once again witnesses ethnic cleansing.

Source R

Report from Amnesty International, October 1999

NATO’s intervention in Kosovo was justified by the urgent need to prevent atrocities. Yet the conduct of the air campaign raises serious concerns. While NATO emphasised precision targeting, many civilians were killed by bombing raids. Strikes on bridges, factories, and television stations blurred the line between military and civilian targets. The destruction of infrastructure deepened the humanitarian crisis, leaving communities without electricity, water, or livelihoods. Moreover, NATO acted without explicit UN Security Council authorisation, setting a troubling precedent for bypassing international law. The bombing may have forced Serbian withdrawal, but it also fuelled resentment, both within Serbia and globally. For many, NATO’s actions highlighted the tension between humanitarian aims and the principles of sovereignty and legality.

Source S

Belgrade under fire during NATO’s 1999 campaign over Kosovo

Source T

Testimony of a KFOR peacekeeper, 2000

When we arrived in Kosovo after the bombing, the destruction was immense. Villages were burned, infrastructure shattered. Our task was overwhelming: protect returning refugees, disarm remaining militias, and prevent revenge attacks. Many Albanians saw us as liberators, but Serb civilians feared us, accusing NATO of bias. In some areas, we struggled to stop reprisal killings and the expulsion of Serbs. It felt like we were always one step behind events. Still, the presence of KFOR stabilised the situation. Refugees returned in large numbers, and basic order slowly returned. But real peace was fragile. Trust between communities was broken, and the scars of violence were everywhere. We were not miracle workers; we could only contain the conflict, not resolve it.