After 1933, the KPD and SPD were banned, their leaders arrested, exiled, or forced underground. Remaining members engaged in small-scale resistance such as distributing leaflets, but these efforts were fragmented and dangerous.
Former SPD members formed the SOPADE network abroad, smuggling anti-Nazi literature into Germany and reporting on domestic conditions to the Allies.
Communist resistance cells existed in industrial regions like the Ruhr, but most were broken up quickly by the Gestapo.
Even minor acts of defiance, such as refusing the Hitler salute, could lead to arrest or dismissal from employment.
Political resistance remained small-scale and had little ability to coordinate nationally.
Church Resistance
The Catholic Centre Party was dissolved in 1933 after the Reichskonkordat agreement, but some clergy later protested Nazi policies, particularly euthanasia and interference in religious life.
Figures like Bishop von Galen publicly condemned the T4 euthanasia programme in 1941, forcing its temporary suspension.
The Protestant Confessing Church, led by pastors like Martin Niemöller and Dietrich Bonhoeffer, opposed attempts to Nazify the church through the pro-Nazi German Christians movement.
Church opposition was moral and issue-specific rather than aiming to overthrow the regime.
Religious resistance provided some of the most visible public challenges to Nazi policies, but it was tolerated only when it did not threaten overall political control.
Youth Resistance
Groups like the Edelweiss Pirates rejected Hitler Youth regimentation, engaged in street fights with Nazi youth, and spread Allied propaganda during the war.
The Swing Youth embraced banned jazz music and American culture, challenging Nazi cultural conformity.
Some youth resistance turned violent, as in the Cologne Edelweiss group, which carried out sabotage against Nazi targets in the later war years.
Punishments included imprisonment, forced labour, and, in some cases, public execution.
These movements were significant for morale but posed no existential threat to the regime before 1945.
Military and Elite Opposition
The most serious threat came from sections of the army and conservative elites, culminating in the July 20 Plot (1944) to assassinate Hitler.
Organised by figures like Claus von Stauffenberg, the plan failed, leading to the execution of over 4,980 people linked to the conspiracy.
Earlier opposition from military leaders, such as General Ludwig Beck’s resignation in 1938 over war plans, remained isolated.
Industrialists and civil servants rarely resisted, benefiting from Nazi policies or fearing reprisals.
The failure of elite opposition demonstrated the effectiveness of Hitler’s control and the risks of defiance.
Historiography
Richard Evans argues that Nazi repression prevented resistance from becoming a coordinated national movement.
Ian Kershaw stresses that most Germans conformed out of a mix of support, fear, and resignation, not constant coercion.
Peter Hoffmann highlights the moral courage of individuals and small groups, even if their actions did not seriously endanger Nazi control.
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After Hitler's rise to power in 1933, the Nazi regime swiftly moved to eliminate political opposition. The KPD (Communist Party of Germany) and SPD (Social Democratic Party) were banned, their leaders arrested, exiled, or forced underground. Remaining members engaged in small-scale resistance such as distributing leaflets, but these efforts were fragmented and dangerous.