Ben Bella and Algeria - Origins and Rise of Independence Movements Notes

Key Questions

1. What was the role of nationalism in the rise of the Algerian independence movement?
2. What was the role of political ideology in the rise of the Algerian independence movement?
3. How important was religion and race in the rise of the Algerian independence movement?
4. How important were socio-economic conditions in the rise of the Algerian independence movement?
5. What was the role of war in the rise of the Algerian independence movement?

French Colonial Policy and the Rise of Algerian Nationalism

1. French Policy of Assimilation

1. The official French colonial policy was one of “assimilation”, rooted in the belief that French civilization was superior and that colonies would benefit from integration into all aspects of French life - social, political, cultural, and linguistic.
2. Arthur Girault (1921) described assimilation as “an increasingly intimate union between the colonial and metropolitan territory”, suggesting that colonies were extensions of France itself, not separate entities.
3. Under this ideology, colonies like Algeria were considered départements, akin to administrative regions within France.
4. Algeria was particularly significant as it was deeply integrated into France, divided into three départements, and granted direct political representation in Paris.

2. Algeria Under French Rule

1. Colonization began in the 19th century, with 37,374 French settlers by 1841, known as colons or pieds-noirs (“black feet”), named after their cheap black shoes.
2. By 1945, the pieds-noirs population reached approximately one million, many of whom were born in Algeria and considered it their homeland.
3. The pieds-noirs community was diverse in wealth and ideology:
4. Ultras: Conservative hardliners opposing any reform.
5. Liberals (20–25%): Supported limited colonial reforms.
6. Despite the rhetoric of assimilation, French rule was inherently racist indigenous Algerians (mainly Muslims) were denied equality and political power, while colons maintained dominance through their French identity.

3. Maurice Viollette and Reform Efforts

1. Maurice Viollette, a Radical Party member, was a critic of colonial abuses in Congo and Indochina.
2. Appointed Governor-General of Algeria (1925), he aimed to win Muslim hearts and minds through reform and investment in health and education.
3. His reformist approach faced fierce opposition from settlers, who labeled him “Viollette the Arab”, leading to his resignation in 1927.
4. Viollette warned that denying Algerian Muslims political rights would lead to inevitable independence movements.

4. The Rise of Algerian Nationalism

1. Algerian nationalism emerged from deep political, social, and economic discrimination faced by the Muslim majority.
2. The movement was anti-colonial and anti-imperialist, with Islamism forming its central ideological core.
3. Islamic scholars like Rashid Rida (1865–1935) advocated for resistance to imperialism and the creation of an Islamic state under sharia law.
4. Many historians argue that Islamism later became the most powerful mobilizing ideology during the Algerian War of Independence.

5. Post-WWI Influences and Disillusionment

1. Algerian Muslims fought for France in World War I, expecting greater rights and recognition afterward.
2. US President Woodrow Wilson’s “14 Points”, particularly Point 5, inspired hopes for self-determination and fair treatment of colonial populations.
3. However, France ignored these principles, continuing repressive and discriminatory policies in Algeria, fueling nationalist frustration.

6. Nationalist Movements: Messali Hadj & Ferhat Abbas

1. Etoile Nord-Africaine (North African Star) founded in 1926, initially linked to the French Communist Party, was dissolved in 1929 under government pressure.
   1. In 1936, the Blum-Viollette Proposal sought to grant limited citizenship to some Muslims while allowing religious legal autonomy (e.g., marriage, inheritance).
   2. The pieds-noirs reacted with violent protests, forcing the French government to abandon the proposal.
2. Messali Hadj established the Parti du Peuple Algérien (PPA) in 1937, advocating greater autonomy rather than immediate independence.
3. Ferhat Abbas founded the Union Populaire Algérienne (UPA) in 1938, calling for equal rights and the promotion of Algerian culture and language.
4. French refusal to engage with these moderate nationalists marked a turning point, as historian Martin Evans notes, the failure of peaceful reform opened the path to violent resistance and revolutionary nationalism.

Economic Factors and the Emergence of the Algerian Independence Movement

1. Land Ownership and Economic Inequality

1. Economic disparity was a core driver of Algerian nationalism.
2. Muslim land was expropriated by European settlers (colons), creating a deeply unequal agrarian system.
3. By the early 20th century, 2% of the population (mainly Europeans) controlled 25% of all land, while Muslim farmers were often landless or impoverished.
4. Colons enjoyed significantly higher incomes, while Muslim Algerians suffered chronic poverty and high unemployment.
5. The French government actively restricted industrialization and limited the development of key agricultural sectors, ensuring Algeria remained economically dependent and non-competitive with France.

2. Impact of the Great Depression (1930s)

1. The Great Depression severely weakened Algeria’s economy, exposing its colonial vulnerability.
2. Exports plummeted from 10.6 billion francs (1930) to 8 billion francs (1932), triggering a sharp economic downturn.
3. The Muslim population, already marginalized, bore the brunt of this crisis.
4. By 1936, Algeria’s Muslim population rose to 6 million, putting immense pressure on limited resources and agricultural productivity.
5. Widespread debt among Muslim farmers forced many to abandon rural areas - a rural exodus - seeking urban employment that barely existed.
6. Resulting urban overcrowding, unemployment, and economic frustration created a tense atmosphere, leading to riots (1933–1934) across major cities.

3. Economic Hardship During the Second World War

1. WWII conditions intensified economic grievances, deepening resentment toward French rule.
2. Rationing policies were viewed as discriminatory, with claims that European settlers received better provisions.
3. At a 1944 Biskra meeting, discontent was summed up by the remark:“Hitler gives 250 grams of wheat a day, and we who are free, we only receive 200 grams. All this must be done away with.”
4. Rumours of favoritism, unequal rations, and continued shortages, worsened by a poor harvest and harsh winter, led to famine in 1945.
5. Starvation and hardship further inflamed nationalist sentiment, reinforcing calls for economic justice and independence.

Post-War Economic Disparities and Social Unrest

1. Although France experienced a post-war boom, economic benefits were unevenly distributed across Algeria.
   1. Coastal regions, home to Europeans, saw modest development, while interior regions, inhabited by Muslim Algerians, remained impoverished.
2. By the late 1940s:
   1. 8.4 million Muslims lived in extreme poverty.
   2. 1 million were underemployed, and 2 million were unemployed.
   3. The average agricultural worker laboured only 65 days per year, reflecting seasonal instability and structural underemployment.
3. Historian Martin Evans emphasizes that rural Algeria had become “overwhelmingly hostile to French Algeria,” as economic despair merged with political alienation.

Social and Religious Tensions

1. Social Inequality, Racism, and Daily Humiliation

1. According to historian Martin Evans, Algerians felt angry and humiliated under French colonial rule.
2. The Muslim majority was subjected to systemic racism from both European settlers (colons) and colonial police, fostering a sense of daily injustice and resentment.
3. Many Algerians were forced to rely on their wits to survive amid economic marginalization and social exclusion.
4. The constant discrimination eroded dignity and tested self-control, pushing many toward nationalist activism as a means of reclaiming pride and agency.

2. Educational Disparities and Illiteracy

1. Education became a symbol of inequality under French rule.
   1. There were 1,400 primary schools available for 200,000 Europeans, compared to only 699 schools for 1.25 million Muslim children.
2. This vast educational imbalance reinforced social stratification, as Muslim Algerians were denied access to the same opportunities for advancement as settlers.
   1. As a result, by 1945, illiteracy rates among Muslims stood at 85%, leaving the majority excluded from civic participation and political awareness.
3. The education gap became a powerful grievance, highlighting the colonial system’s inherent injustice and fueling nationalist sentiment among a new generation seeking social equality.

3. Religion as a Unifying and Mobilizing Force

1. Islam played a central role in shaping Algerian identity and resistance to French rule.
2. Under colonial law, Muslim Algerians were French subjects, but not citizens. Citizenship could only be obtained by renouncing Islamic personal law, a process known as “foreswearing”.
3. This requirement was widely seen as betraying one’s faith, effectively forcing Algerians to choose between religion and citizenship.
4. Islamic faith and traditions therefore became a symbol of resistance, helping unite diverse ethnic and cultural groups under a shared spiritual and national identity.

4. Islamic Rhetoric in the Independence Struggle

1. As the nationalist movement evolved, groups like the FLN (Front de Libération Nationale) used Islamic rhetoric to inspire resistance and legitimize the struggle.
2. The Algerian War of Independence (1954–1962) was framed as a jihad - a holy struggle against colonial oppression.Fallen fighters were honoured as martyrs (shuhada), infusing the movement with religious meaning and moral justification.
   1. Thus, the fight for independence was seen not only as a political liberation from French control but also as a spiritual mission to restore Muslim dignity and autonomy.

The Second World War as a Catalyst for Algerian Independence

1. Global Impact of the Second World War

1. The Second World War (1939–1945) profoundly weakened European empires and exposed their vulnerabilities.
2. France, once a dominant colonial power, had been defeated and occupied by Nazi Germany, shattering its image of strength and superiority.
3. Its colonies in Indo-China had been captured by Japan, further undermining confidence in French imperial authority.
4. The Japanese, through anti-European propaganda, actively encouraged nationalist movements, promoting the idea of Asian and African self-rule and local leadership.
5. This collapse of colonial prestige created an ideological opening for independence movements across the colonial world, including Algeria.

2. Ideological Shifts and Global Anti-Imperialism

1. After 1945, both the United States and the Soviet Union voiced strong opposition to imperialism, challenging the legitimacy of empire.
2. These superpowers, though rivals, shared a commitment to the principles of self-determination and freedom from colonial domination.
3. The founding of the United Nations (1945) further delegitimized empire, emphasizing human rights, national sovereignty, and independence.
4. Despite these global pressures, France refused to alter its colonial policy, clinging to its assimilationist and paternalist doctrines, and ignoring calls for reform.

3. The “Era of Broken Promises”

• The immediate post-war years in Algeria became known as a time of “broken promises”, marked by disillusionment and betrayal.
• Muslims who had fought for France during the war expected reform, but were met instead with continued inequality.
• Frustration erupted during Victory in Europe (VE) Day celebrations on 8 May 1945, particularly in Sétif, a predominantly Muslim town in northern Algeria.

4. The Sétif Uprising (May 1945)

1. During VE Day celebrations, nationalist banners, forbidden by authorities, appeared among the crowds.
   1. Around 4,000 protestors took to the streets; when police attempted to seize the flags, violence broke out.
   2. The unrest escalated into widespread attacks on Europeans, involving murders, assaults, and looting.
   3. Approximately 100 Europeans were killed across Algeria.
2. French retaliation was swift and brutal, with official estimates citing 1,005 Muslim deaths, though Algerian nationalists claimed 40,000–50,000 were massacred.
3. Rather than restoring loyalty, the massacre intensified nationalist resolve, reinforcing the belief that France would only respond to force.
4. However, since French control was swiftly reasserted, the colonial government assumed stability had been restored, continuing its hardline policies unchanged.

5. Post-War Reforms and Continued Inequality

1. In 1946, the Fourth Republic attempted to modernize its empire by renaming it the “French Union”, inspired by the Brazzaville Conference (1944).
   1. Although greater autonomy was promised, full decolonization remained off the table.
   2. Algerian Muslims gained limited voting rights under the 1947 Statute, but the system was deeply unequal:
2. The Algerian Assembly consisted of two electoral colleges - 60 seats for Europeans (colons) and 60 seats for Muslims, despite Muslims making up 90% of the population.
3. In Paris, both groups sent 15 deputies and senators each, further entrenching political inequality.
4. By 1956, out of 864 high-ranking administrative posts, only 8 were held by Muslims, revealing the token nature of inclusion.
5. Elections were routinely rigged, as colons, with strong political influence and organized pressure groups, blocked any meaningful reform threatening their dominance.

The Rise of the FLN and Revolutionary Nationalism in Post-War Algeria

1. Disillusionment and the End of Moderation

1. The post-war period of “broken promises” led even moderate reformers to lose faith in peaceful change.
2. Ferhat Abbas, once an advocate for reform and equality within the French system, became deeply disillusioned by France’s continued oppression and political deceit.
3. Recognizing that reform was impossible, Abbas joined the revolutionary movement, becoming a key leader of the Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) alongside Ahmed Ben Bella.
4. This shift symbolized the collapse of moderate nationalism and the rise of armed resistance as the only viable path to independence.

2. Formation and Leadership of the FLN (1954)

1. The FLN was founded in 1954 in Cairo, Egypt, reflecting the transnational nature of Arab nationalist support.
2. It was collectively led by a revolutionary council.
3. The FLN adopted a collective leadership model, ensuring representation of different regions and factions, and fostering unity in the struggle against French rule.

3. Ideology and Aims of the FLN

1. The FLN’s first proclamation (1954) declared that independence would be achieved “by whatever means necessary”, acknowledging that “the struggle may be long, but the outcome is certain.”
2. Its core ideology was Arab nationalism, aimed at uniting Algerians under a shared identity distinct from French colonial culture.
3. The movement’s foundation rested on Islam, serving as a spiritual and cultural unifier that reinforced separateness from France.
4. The FLN also advanced socialist principles, advocating for:
   1. Egalitarianism
   2. Elimination of class structures
   3. Social justice for peasants and workers
5. As a “front”, the FLN was inclusive, bringing together diverse social groups and ideological tendencies, all united by the goal of independence.

4. Socialist Orientation and Evolution

1. The early FLN was broadly socialist, emphasizing collective welfare, economic equality, and anti-elitism.
2. Under Ahmed Ben Bella, the movement became more militantly socialist, seeking to build a new society based on the peasantry as the revolutionary class.
3. However, the FLN’s socialism was Arab in character, not Marxist. It rejected atheism and class conflict theory as incompatible with Islamic values.
4. Despite this, the FLN strategically used Marxist terminology during the Algerian War, portraying the French as economic oppressors and colonial exploiters, and branding pro-French elites as “bourgeoisie.”

5. Relations with Communist Elements

1. Although anti-Marxist in doctrine, the FLN pragmatically accepted communist participation in the struggle.
2. Communist activists were allowed to join the movement during the war, but under strict conditions:
   1. They had to follow FLN directives.
   2. They were forbidden from forming independent organizations.
3. This approach ensured unity of command and prevented ideological fragmentation, while harnessing the mobilizing power of leftist anti-imperialism.

The Outbreak of the Algerian War of Independence (1954)

1. A New Phase of Struggle: From Reform to Revolution

1. The Algerian War of Independence officially began in 1954, marking a shift from failed reformism to armed resistance.
2. Peaceful, non-violent methods championed by Messali Hadj and Ferhat Abbas in the pre-war period had failed to secure independence, leading the FLN (Front de Libération Nationale) to adopt violent, revolutionary tactics.
3. According to historian Charles Townsend (2005), the conflict began with “one of the most spectacularly deadly urban bombings yet seen”, initiating a cycle of terrorism and counter-terror that would define the war.
4. The French army, haunted by defeat in Vietnam (Dien Bien Phu, 1954), concluded it must match the ruthlessness and conviction of revolutionary forces to avoid another humiliation.

2. The Toussaint Rouge (Red All Saints’ Day) – 1 November 1954

1. The FLN’s first coordinated attack occurred in the early hours of 1 November 1954, known as the Toussaint Rouge (Red All Saints’ Day).
2. Maquisards (guerrilla fighters) launched simultaneous assaults on military installations, police posts, and civilian targets across Algeria.
3. From Cairo, Egypt, the FLN broadcast appeals calling on Muslims across Algeria to join the uprising, declaring the aim of an independent Algeria “within the framework of the principles of Islam.”
4. This event marked the formal beginning of the Algerian War of Independence, combining religious legitimacy with armed resistance.

3. French Reaction and Denial

1. On 2 November 1954, the Conseil Général for Algiers issued a unanimous declaration demanding:
   1. Firm and rapid restoration of order
   2. Exemplary punishment of the guilty
   3. Zero tolerance for weakness
   4. A policy built on the “healthy elements” of the population (i.e., European settlers and loyalists)
2. The FLN claimed responsibility, but the French government dismissed the uprising as a minor disturbance easily contained.
3. Historian Alistair Horne notes that in France, the revolt caused little public concern, with Le Monde relegating it to two columns under the bland caption: “Several killed in Algeria in the course of simultaneous attacks on police posts.”

4. Mendès-France’s Response: “Algeria is Irrevocably French”

1. On 12 November 1954, French Premier Pierre Mendès-France delivered a hardline speech, declaring: “The Algerian departments are part of the French Republic… they are irrevocably French.”
2. Historian Alistair Horne described this as an “uncompromisingly forthright, fatefully binding statement.”
3. This rigid stance eliminated the possibility of negotiation, ensuring a prolonged and bloody conflict.

5. French Military Escalation

1. At the outbreak, 50,000 French troops were already stationed in Algeria.
2. They were quickly reinforced with paratroopers and gendarmes, signalling a full-scale military commitment.
3. In January 1955, Jacques Soustelle, a liberal intellectual, was appointed Governor-General.
   1. Soustelle initially sought economic and political reform, but his plans were undermined by settler resistance, FLN attacks, and the increasing brutality of the conflict.

6. Escalation: The Philippeville Massacre (August 1955)

1. In August 1955, the FLN launched a major offensive in Philippeville, targeting colons (European settlers) and French forces.
2. The attack left 123 people dead (Muslims and pieds-noirs).
3. The French response was ruthless. Official sources claimed 1,200 Muslim deaths, while FLN sources alleged 12,000 casualties.
4. The Philippeville massacre marked a turning point, intensifying violence on both sides and deepening divisions between Europeans and Muslims.

7. Shift Toward Repression: Governor Robert Lacoste (1956)

1. Under pressure from colons demanding harsher measures, Soustelle was replaced in 1956 by Robert Lacoste, a less liberal, more repressive governor.
2. Lacoste was granted special powers to suppress the uprising, initiating a period of intensified counter-insurgency and mass arrests.
3. This marked the militarization of French policy, as repression replaced reform, driving more Algerians into the FLN’s ranks.