Organized resistance against apartheid in the 1950s had two phases:
Early 1950s: more peaceful, relying on boycotts and political pressure.
Late 1950s: frustration led to more assertive and sometimes violent methods.
Opposition to apartheid did not emerge suddenly – discrimination and racist laws had existed since the creation of the Union of South Africa in 1910, and non-whites already had traditions of political organization.
Even before apartheid officially began in 1948, Black South Africans frequently protested bus fare hikes, with major boycotts in the 1940s.
Example: in 1944, over 20,000 commuters joined a boycott, walking instead of taking buses.
Boycotts were often spontaneous reactions to fare increases, rooted in poverty, low wages, and joblessness in Black townships.
When fare hikes occurred, local committees of activists and residents quickly formed to organize boycotts and negotiate with transport companies.
Bus boycotts often achieved their aims, since they placed economic pressure on urban businesses.
Important to note: the majority of bus users were Black South Africans, giving boycotts real leverage.
By the early 1950s, bus boycotts gained a new dimension – they became political protests as well as economic ones.
These successes later inspired anti-apartheid organizations like the ANC’s Defiance Campaign in the 1950s.
Self review
How effective were bus boycotts in the opposition to apartheid?
Because boycotts were triggered by bus companies, not political movements. They couldn’t be fully controlled or timed by liberation groups.
That also explains why even when at times fares were reduced or re-evaluated, the strategy of the bus boycotts did little to end Apartheid.
Nevertheless, it did show that black organizations could achieve some aims and contributed to community participation, organization and political momentum that was capitalized by activists.
Case study
The Alexandra Bus Boycott (1957)
In January 1957, a one-penny fare increase by the PUTCO bus company sparked a massive boycott in Alexandra Township.
It involved around 70,000 commuters and spread to other citieslike Sophiatown, Pretoria, and cities like Port Elizabeth and Cape Town, becoming a national moment of defiance.
The black South African activists formed the Alexandra People's Transport Action Committee (APTAC). Supported by ANC leaders like Oliver Tambo and Alfred Nzo, they coordinated the 12 week long protest.
Protesters marched daily to Johannesburg, often in difficult conditions, drawing rare public sympathy from some white South Africans and extensive media coverage.
The boycott forced PUTCO to reverse the fare hike with state support, and also showed the government how dangerous spontaneous, mass-led protests could be.
This highlighted both the power and unpredictability of grassroots resistance.
Historiography
How relevant were the bus boycotts as a form of protest?
Some historians elevate the role of bus boycotts as they showed that spontaneous mass action could be effective even without top-down leadership from the ANC.
For them, boycotts played a foundational role in demonstrating the potential of non-violent resistance and in politicizing working-class Africans.
Nevertheless, other perspectives sustain that bus boycotts were often reactionary rather than strategic, meaning they couldn’t be easily repeated or timed as part of a broader political plan.
They also revealed a disconnect between formal ANC strategy and grassroots action, showing the limitations of political organization to stop apartheid.
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The Roots of Bus Boycotts in South Africa
Economic Hardship: Low wages and high unemployment in Black townships made even small fare increases unaffordable.
Spontaneous Origins: Boycotts were often unplanned, emerging as grassroots responses to fare hikes by bus companies.
Community Organization: Activists and community leaders formed committees to negotiate with bus companies and coordinate protests.
ExampleIn 1944, a boycott in Johannesburg involved over 20,000 people, forcing the bus company to reverse fare increases.
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