The Political Impact of the War in Kosovo

Ibrahim Rugova and the Propaganda Agreement

1. Rugova’s role before 1999
   1. Ibrahim Rugova, long-time leader of the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK), symbolized non-violent resistance.
   2. His political standing weakened during the war.
2. Televised meeting with Milošević
   1. On April 1, 1999, during NATO’s bombing campaign, Rugova appeared on Serbian state television shaking hands with Slobodan Milošević.
   2. The image was widely circulated and seen by many Albanians as a betrayal.
3. Joint statement
   1. During the broadcast, both leaders presented a joint statement agreeing to work toward ending hostilities.
   2. The statement implied that stopping NATO’s bombing campaign would open the way for political dialogue.
4. Implied protection under Serbian authority
   1. The statement suggested that Rugova’s safety and that of the Albanian population would be protected under Serbian authority.
   2. Serbian propaganda presented this as a sign of Milošević’s goodwill.
5. Media portrayal of concessions
   1. Serbian media claimed that Rugova had accepted a return to Serbian constitutional control over Kosovo or at least agreed to discuss autonomy within Serbia.
   2. Rugova and international authorities never confirmed this.
6. Perception of betrayal
   1. Despite his history of peaceful resistance, Rugova’s appearance was widely interpreted as a humiliating act of submission to a regime accused of oppression and ethnic cleansing.
7. Propaganda purpose
   1. The agreement was staged for propaganda: Milošević’s regime sought to divide Kosovar Albanians and undermine the legitimacy of the KLA and NATO’s intervention.
   2. The “agreement” was optical manipulation rather than substance, aimed at delegitimizing Albanian resistance and portraying Milošević as reasonable during NATO’s bombing.

The Rise of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA)

1. Decline of Rugova’s influence
   1. Rugova’s passive approach, once the foundation of Albanian political strategy, came to seem inadequate amidst escalating violence.
   2. His loss of legitimacy, especially after the televised meeting with Milošević, appeared to cement his decline.
2. KLA gains prominence
   1. The KLA gained political and symbolic prominence during and after the war.
   2. Rugova’s Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) struggled to maintain relevance.
3. Shift from pacifism to militarism
   1. Rugova’s absence during key moments of the conflict, such as living in Italy during NATO’s bombing and returning late, allowed the KLA to emerge as the dominant force in the power vacuum.
   2. The shift from pacifism to militarism marked a new phase in Kosovo’s political identity.
4. KLA transition to political leadership
   1. After NATO’s intervention and the withdrawal of Serbian forces, the KLA transitioned into a dominant political actor.
   2. Hashim Thaçi, its commander, assumed a leadership role in the provisional government, becoming a major political figure.
5. Disbandment and transformation
   1. The KLA was formally disbanded under UN Security Council Resolution 1244.
   2. Many former fighters were integrated into the Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC), a civilian emergency force with latent military structures.

Post-War Kosovo under UN Administration

1. UNMIK administration
   1. After the war, Kosovo came under UN administration (UNMIK), with Bernard Kouchner as the UN Special Representative.
   2. UNMIK’s role was to build transitional institutions and prepare the territory for self-governance.
2. Institutional reforms
   1. UNMIK established the Kosovo Police Service, oversaw the demilitarization of the KLA, and attempted to foster a multi-ethnic society.
   2. In reality, Serbian displacement and ongoing ethnic tensions made the vision of a multi-ethnic Kosovo impractical.
3. Rise of new political parties
   1. The KLA’s transformation produced new political parties, most notably the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) led by Hashim Thaçi.
   2. Other parties included the Party of Democratic Progress (PPDK), the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK), and the New Kosovo Alliance (AKR).
4. Elections under UNMIK oversight
   1. UNMIK supervised elections from 2000, aiming to establish democratic institutions and extend Kosovo’s self-governance.
5. October 2000 local elections
   1. These were the first democratic contest in post-war Kosovo, testing the legitimacy of competing factions.
   2. Despite the KLA’s wartime popularity, Rugova’s LDK won nearly 60% of the vote, compared to under 30% for Thaçi’s PDK.
6. Fragile political balance
   1. Voters, weary of violence and KLA-linked corruption, favored Rugova’s moderate and internationally acceptable leadership.
   2. The elections reaffirmed the political relevance of the LDK, though Rugova’s personal reputation remained tarnished.
   3. The outcome created a fragile balance between moderates and former militants.

The Push for Kosovo’s Independence

1. Shared goal of independence
   1. Though different in style and ideology, both Rugova and Thaçi were united in seeking full independence for Kosovo.
   2. Thaçi, a charismatic ex-KLA commander, openly rejected any return to Yugoslav rule and dismissed the transition period as a formality.
2. Rugova’s position
   1. Despite his pacifist image, Rugova was equally clear: “Never again with Serbia.”
   2. The international community often favored Rugova’s moderate tone, but both leaders represented a broad consensus within Kosovar Albanian society on the need for statehood.
3. Path to independence
   1. This convergence paved the way for Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence in 2008.
4. Collapse of multi-ethnic vision
   1. Despite UNMIK’s vision of a multi-ethnic Kosovo, the post-war period saw the near-complete departure of Kosovo Serbs from Albanian-majority areas.
   2. This was accompanied by attacks on Serbian cultural and religious sites.
5. Emergence of a mono-ethnic state
   1. With few institutional guarantees and widespread insecurity, Kosovo evolved into a de facto mono-ethnic state dominated by Albanians.
   2. KFOR and UNMIK tried to prevent ethnic violence but often failed to stop revenge attacks or the symbolic destruction of Serbian heritage.
6. Long-term implications
   1. This ethnic homogenization shaped Kosovo’s internal legitimacy and affected its international recognition.
   2. Countries such as Russia and Serbia strongly opposed Kosovo’s independence.