Methods Used to Establish the Authoritarian Leadership

- Josef Stalin did not establish an authoritarian state in Russia. It was Lenin who did it.
- Make sure you understand this distinction when answering Paper 2 questions.
- If the question asks about the establishment of an authoritarian state, you must use Lenin.
- If it asks about an authoritarian leader, you can choose between Lenin and Stalin.
- For the period of the Rise to power of Stalin, you should consider 1924-1929.
Institutional Methods
- General Secretary (1922): Controlled personnel files, Party appointments, and influenced nearly every major decision.
- People’s Commissar for Nationalities (1917): Managed ethnic minority affairs, expanding his authority.
- Liaison between Politburo and Orgburo (1919): Positioned at the intersection of decision-making and implementation.
- Head of Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspectorate (1919): Oversaw bureaucracy, giving him oversight across government operations.
- Result: Built a wide network of loyal supporters, securing a power base inside the Party.
- The political structure of the USSR in 1924 and the role of the General Secretary
- The USSR was governed by both the Communist Party and the state apparatus, but the Communist Party held ultimate authority.
- The key institutions were:
- The Congress of Soviets: Theoretically the supreme legislative body, but in practice, it largely approved decisions made elsewhere.
- The Central Executive Committee (CEC): Acted as the highest executive authority between Congress sessions.
- The Council of People’s Commissars (Sovnarkom): Functioned as the government’s cabinet, responsible for daily administration and policy-making.
- The Communist Party (CPSU): The real center of power. By 1924, the USSR was a one-party state, and Party decisions had the force of law. The Party’s key bodies included:
- The Politburo: The top decision-making body on political matters.
- The Orgburo: Managed organization and personnel assignments.
- The Secretariat: Oversaw the implementation of Party decisions and maintained control over appointments, records, and communication.
Stalin’s Use of Party Structures to Consolidate Power
- Position meant as a bureaucratic role but Stalin transformed it into the USSR’s most powerful office.
- Controlled Party appointments, gaining patronage power.
- Built a loyal base by placing allies in key posts.
- Controlled information through access to Party records and communications, outmaneuvering rivals.
- Party control through loyalists: Stalin appointed allies to key roles, securing majorities in Party votes and dominating the Secretariat.
- Lenin Enrolment (1923–25): Doubled Party membership from 340,000 to 600,000; new, inexperienced recruits were loyal to Stalin who controlled admissions.
- Ban on Factionalism (1921): Originally Lenin’s measure, now used by Stalin to silence rivals and prevent open challenges to policy.
- Claim to Lenin’s legacy: Portrayed himself as Lenin’s true heir, gaining ideological legitimacy despite Lenin’s criticisms in his Testament.
Manipulation of Lenin’s Legacy and the Cult of Personality: Stalin and Trotsky
- After Lenin’s death (Jan 1924), Stalin delivered the main funeral oration, presenting himself as Lenin’s loyal heir and Party unifier.
- This gave him a propaganda advantage over rivals, especially Trotsky.
- Trotsky missed the funeral, officially due to misinformation, but records suggest he knew the date.
- His absence made him seem aloof and disrespectful, weakening his support in the Party and public.
- Stalin controlled Lenin’s funeral, acting as chief mourner and presenting himself as Lenin’s true heir.
- It is often believed Stalin misled Trotsky about the date, but Soviet records and historians (e.g., Robert Service)show Trotsky knew the funeral was on 27 January.
- Despite this, Trotsky remained on holiday in the Caucasus, a decision that appeared careless and politically damaging.
- His absence reinforced perceptions that he was not a devoted Leninist and allowed Stalin to claim a propaganda victory, strengthening his position in the Party.

Stalin’s Maneuvering within the Party
Note- We have seen that Stalin was the Secretary General of the Party at the time of the death of Lenin.
- The rest of the leadership of the party was aligned in the “Left” and the “Right.
- They disagreed primarily on economic policies (namely the role of the NEP), but also on personal traits and leadership styles.
- The main politicians in the Left were Trotsky, Zinoviev and Kamenev.
- The main ones in the Right were Bukharin, Rykov and Tomsky.
- Apart from Stalin, the most important candidate to succeed Lenin was Trotsky, and that was Stalin’s first target.
- Lenin’s Testament (1923): Criticized Stalin’s rudeness, urged removal as General Secretary, but also attacked Trotsky, Kamenev, and Zinoviev.
- Suppression: Politburo suppressed publication to avoid mutual damage; Trotsky agreed, missing a chance to weaken Stalin.
- The Troika: Stalin allied with Kamenev and Zinoviev to marginalize Trotsky, exploiting his unpopularity.
- Trotsky’s Weakness: Stalin’s plain style appealed to new Lenin Enrolment recruits, while Trotsky’s elitism and intellectualism alienated Party rank and file.
Lev Kamenev
- Senior Bolshevik & Politburo member, close associate of Lenin.
- After Lenin’s death (1924), formed the Troika (with Zinoviev & Stalin) to block Trotsky’s rise.
- Aligned with Stalin despite past tensions, hoping to control him.
- Weaknesses: cautious, lacked strong support base, underestimated Stalin’s ambition.
- Belief in collective leadership stopped him from challenging Stalin effectively, leading to his decline.
Grigory Zinoviev
- Senior Bolshevik, gifted orator, influential in Party ideology.
- Head of Comintern and Leningrad Party boss, giving him strong power in the 1920s.
- After Lenin’s death, joined Troika (with Stalin & Kamenev) to block Trotsky.
- Promoted Stalin as Lenin’s loyal heir, boosting Stalin’s early image.
- Broke with Stalin in 1925, alarmed by his authoritarianism.
- With Kamenev & Trotsky, formed the United Opposition (1926), demanding more democracy and revolutionary focus.




